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Age and development are concepts central to contemporary Western understandings of children's growth and to the way industrialized societies have been ...
SkiptomaincontentChildrenEncyclopediasalmanacstranscriptsandmapsAgeandDevelopmentAgeandDevelopmentgaleviewsupdatedAgeandDevelopmentAgeanddevelopmentareconceptscentraltocontemporaryWesternunderstandingsofchildren'sgrowthandtothewayindustrializedsocietieshavebeenorganizedsinceapproximatelythemiddleofthenineteenthcentury.Ifthenotionofdevelopmentoffersamaptosocialandculturalconstructionsofmaturity,thephysiologicalandpsychologicalcharacteristicsaccompanyingchronologicalagearethesignpostsofnotablechangealongitspath.Bythelatetwentiethcentury,thedevelopmentalstagesofjuvenilematurationwerethoughttoproceedinsequencethrougheightdistinguishablebutoverlappingstages:fromearlyinfancytolaterinfancy;toearlychildhoodandthenmiddlechildhood;topre-,early,middle,andlateradolescence.ArièsandtheModernFamilyTheso-calledmodernfamilyasdescribedbyPhilippeAriÈsinCenturiesofChildhoodwascharacterized(inpart)bythedegreetowhichparentswerealivetothesephasesoftheirchildren'sgrowth,asopposedtoearlier,morerudimentary,divisions.Overall,theenlargingdiscernmentofpredictablechronologicalanddevelopmentalchangesinthechildreflectedthe"sentimentalization"ofchildhood;thatis,childrenwereincreasinglyregardedasrequiringspecialcareandattentionbyadultsandwerebelievedtooccupyastageoflifeprecioustotheirformationindividuallyandcollectivelyasfutureadults.Thesentimentalizationofchildrenoccurredonabroadscaleandwascombinedwiththecreationofinstitutions–notablyuniversalschooling–thatweresponsored,withafewexceptions,bytheemergingurbanmiddleclassofindustrializedEuropeandNorthAmerica.Theywerelaterappliedbythestateatalllevelsofthesocialstructureinthesesocieties.Thedawningconcernwithchildren'sdevelopmentcanbetracedinparttotheancientrecognitionoftheagesoflife(or"agesofman"),aconceptacknowledgedinWesternculturefromatleastthesixthcenturyb.c.e.AccordingtoAriès,IonianformulationsoftheagesofmanultimatelyfoundtheirwaycenturieslaterintoByzantinewritingsand,subsequently,intowhathecalled"scientificvulgarizations"ofthesixteenthcentury.Duringthe1500sthepopularunderstandingofhumanbiology,accordingtoAriès,derivedfromthenotionofa"universalsystemofcorrespondences,"thatis,thebeliefthatthereisasymbolisminnumbersthatbindsnaturalphenomenaintorelationsor"correspondences"withoneanother.(Accordingly,theagesofman,ofwhichtherewereseven,werebelievedtoparallelthenumberofplanetsobservedinthenightsky.)TheStepsoftheAgesThesevenagesofman,frombirthtodeath,weredepictediconographicallybeginninginthefourteenthcenturyastheseven"stepsoftheages,"whichenjoyedpopularcurrencyasameansofvisualizinghumanaging.Ascendingfromtheleftanddescendingtotheright,theserepresentationsbeginwithachildonahobbyhorse(the"ageoftoys").Onthenext,boysaredepictedaslearningtoreadandgirlsasspinningyarn.Thisissucceededbythe"ageoflove"–scenesofboysandgirlswalkingtogether,orofweddingcelebrations.Atthesummitistheageofwarandchivalry,whereamanbearingarmsispictured.Thendecline:representedonthenext(andlower)stairare"menoflaw,science,orlearning";justbelow,the"oldbeardedscholar"sittingbythefire;andfinally,infirmityanddeath.Whilechildrenoccupiedthefirsttwostairsonthestepsoftheages,ArièscontendedthatitwasnotuntiltheseventeenthcenturythatideaofchildhoodwasrecognizedasastageoflifeintheWest,atwhichpointitbegancommandingparticularattentionbyparentsandsociety'sinstitutions.Arièsarguedthatthischangecouldbeseeninthedepictionsofchildrenthatbecamecommoninthe1600s,whentheywereshownasindividualswithcharacteristicchildlikefeatures,clothing,andaccoutrements.Indeed,Arièsfeltitwastheincreasedefforttodifferentiatechildrenfromadultsandthephysicalseparationofchildrenfromadultsocietythatdefinedfamilylifeas"modern"andsuggestedaseeminglypermanentdeparturefromchild-treatmentpracticesthathadbeencommonsinceancienttimes.SinceAriès,historianshavelookedmuchmorecloselyforcluestotestthevalidityofhischiefclaim,thatchildhooddidnotexistbeforetheseventeenthcentury,ormoreprecisely,thatanythinglikethecontemporaryfixationonchildren'swell-beingandgrowthflourishedbeforethe1600s.Theyhavediscoveredamuchgreaterattentivenesstochildhoodandtothestagesofchildren'semergencefromphysical,material,andpsychologicaldependenceonadultsthanhadbeenappreciatedbyAriès.MedievalViewsonChildhoodMostnotably,ShulamithShaharfoundthatmedievalmedicalworks,didacticliterature,andmoraltreatisesnotonlyrecognizedseveralstagesinhumanlifebutcommonlydividedchildhooditselfintothreestages:infantia,pueritia,andadolescentia.Further,mostauthoritiesreferredtowhatisnowtermedthepostadolescentphaseasjuventus.Eachofthesestagesimpliedfairlyuniformagegroupings.Infantialastedfrombirthtoaboutageseven.Withinthisstageanearlyphaselastedfrombirthtoroughlyagetwo–thepointwhenthechildhasallofitsteethandcanwalk.Somewritersdetectedasecondsubstagethatendedaroundagefive,whenthechild'sspeechisperfected.Pueritialastedfromageseventoagetwelveforgirlsandtoagefourteenforboys,whichrecognizedthedifferingphysiologicalmaturationofgirlsandboys.Thehallmarkofthisstage,theso-calledageofreason,wasmarkedbythecapacityofchildrentodistinguishbetweenrightandwrong.Andyetthispotentialwasaccompaniedbyasupposedproclivityforsinbeginningaroundtheageofseven,whichwasseenascorrespondingwiththegrowthofthechild'sintellect.Still,somereligiousmoralistsarguedthatsuchreasoningwasnotcommonlyaccessibletochildrenuntiltheageoftenorten-and-a-half.Thus,asubstagewassplicedintopueritiathatsuggested,again,moreacutesensitivitytochildren'saptitudesthanwasoncethoughttohavebeenthecase.Hence,childrenundertheageoffourteenusuallywerenotconsideredaccountableforcrimes,werenotliableforoaths,werenotsubjecttopenanceforsexualsins,andgenerallyperformedalighterpenancethanadultsforsinstowhichtheyconfessed.Further,youngpeopleinthisstageoflifewereobservedtobeveryimpressionable,bothmoodyandcarefree,tocravesleepandfood,topreferthecompany,praise,andadmonitionsoftheirpeerstothoseofadults,andtobeimmodestabouttheirbodies.Likemoderns,themedievalsagesnotedtheonsetofpubertyatagetwelveforgirlsandagefourteenforboys.Whiletherewaswideconsensusamongwritersabouttheinitiationofadolescentiatherewaslittleagreementaboutwhenthisthirdstageconcluded.Somesetitsendattheageoftwenty-one,othersattwenty-five,twenty-eight,thirty,oraslateasthirty-five.Many,asintimatedbyAriès,dividedtheagesintomultiplesofseven,whichmeantthatthisstagebeganstraightforwardlyatfourteenandendedattwentyone.Legally,adulthoodcouldincludetherightsofmalesandfemalestomarry,own,inherit,andtransmitproperty,bearwitnessatlegalorecclesiasticalproceedings,andtobefullyaccountableunderthelawsoftheland.WhilestatutesvarieddramaticallyacrosstheEuropeancontinent,RomanlawremainedapowerfulinfluencethroughouttheMiddleAges.UnderRomanlaw,twenty-fivewastheageofadulthood,theageatwhichmalesentailedmanyrightsandresponsibilities.NotableinShahar'sviewisthatwhilewritersduringtheMiddleAgesaddressedthemselvestobothgirlsandboysintheirmusingsontheearliestphasesofchildlife,separatetreatmentsaredevotedtogirlsandboysindiscussionsofpueritia.Boys,itwasurged,shouldbeschooled.Girls,ontheotherhand,mightbeadvisedtolearnhowtoperformmorehomelytasks,yettheyreceiveddecreasingattentioninthisliteratureand,accordingtoShahar,were"almostoverlookedindiscussionsoftransitionstofulladulthood"(p.30).ChildhoodasPerceivedbytheMassesTherelativenewnessoftheconceptofchildhood–thefoundationofAriès'sclaimsaboutthesupposedmodernityoffamilylifeaftertheseventeenthcenturyandfortheeventualarticulationofchildren'sobservedphysical,mental,moral,andemotionaldevelopment–wasmodifiedifnotoverturnedbyShaharandothers.Nonetheless,justasthebasesofAriès'sinferencesweredistrustedforhavingbeendrawnfromtheupperstrataofWesternculture(thinkofthesevenstepswhichdepictedachildonahobbyhorseorboyslearningtoread,forinstance),soalsowerehiscriticsguiltyofinvokingtheformulationsofasocialeliteinstudyingtheearlymodernera.Untilthenineteenthcenturythegreatmassofpeoplewereilliterate,thereforerecommendationstoparentstoeducatetheirsonscouldonlybeaimedatparentswhowerethemselvesliterateandwhosawthenecessityofliteracyforsonswho,too,wouldcirculateamongotherliteratemen.PopularliteracywouldspreadinthewakeoftheProtestantReformationafterthesixteenthcentury,astheindividual'sabilitytointerpretscripturewascriticaltopersonalsalvationinnascentProtestantism.Yetitwaspresumedatthattimeandforcenturiestofollowthatparents,especiallyfathers,wouldberesponsibleforinstructingtheirchildreninthebasicsofliteracy.Therefore,theformationofschoolsforthemasses,socrucialtospreadingideasaboutageanddevelopment,stilllayfarinthefuture.Howprevalentthenwasthesensitivitytogradationsofchronologicalageanddevelopmentintheeverydaylivesofcommonpeople?Inotherwords,howcommonweretheseideasamongthosewhoconstitutedthegreatbulkofhumankind,ratherthanintheobservationsandjudgmentsofjurists,moralists,andphilosophers?Certainlyinagrariansocietieschildren'sphysicaldevelopmentwasnotlostonhouseholdsthatneededthelaborofeveryhand.Workandneedwerealwaysingreaterabundancethanthecapacitytomeetthem.Theabilityofchildrentodosmallchoreswashelpful,buteagerlyanticipatedwasthedaywhenayoungpersoncouldperformthetasksofanadult.Insocietiesinwhichchildmortalitywashigh,diseaseshortenedtheadultlifespan,andillness,accident,ormisfortunetruncatedsomanyworkinglives,theindividualphysicalcapacitiesofchildrenmusthavebeencontemplatedwiththepassingofeachseason.Itisreasonabletobelievethatparentsandkinwereatleastgrosslyattunedtothebodilyandemotionalchangesofyoungones,evenifwithoutthekindofsensitivitytochildren'sgrowththatprevailsinmodernlife.Nonetheless,thearcofchildren'sgrowthasasocial,ratherthanaphysical,phenomenononlyfaintlyresembledwhatweareaccustomedtotoday.MaturationinAgrarianSocietiesOneofthemostsignificantreasonsforthisisthattheproductivebasesofthehouseholdlayinagrarianratherthanindustrialpursuits.Astrikingdifferencebetweenagrariansocietiesandlaterindustrialonesisthatagrariansocietiesdidnotrecognizeadolescenceasaseparatephysicalandpsychologicalstageinanindividual'sadvancetowardadulthood.Theadditionofadolescenceasarecognizedlifestagewouldnotbecomecommonuntilthebeginningofthetwentiethcentury.Theabsenceofwidespreadrecognitionofadolescenceinagrariansocietiesisarrestinglyevidentintwodescriptionsofchildren'scomingofage.ThefirstishistoricalandisofferedbyJohnDemosaboutchildrenincolonialMassachusettsintheseventeenthcentury:Oncethechildhadbeguntoassumeanadultroleandstyle,aroundtheageofsixorseven,thewayaheadwasfairlystraightforward.Developmenttowardfullmaturitycouldbeaccomplishedinagradual,piecemeal,andlargelyautomaticfashion.…Herewasno"awkward"age–butratherthesteadylengtheningofayoungperson'sshadow,andthewholeinstinctiveprocessthroughwhichonegenerationyieldedimperceptiblytoitssuccessor.(p.150)TheseconddescriptionisrenderedbyeducatorandethnographerLeonardCovelloaboutattitudestowardyoungpeople'sdevelopmentasexpressedbysouthernItalianimmigrantstotheUnitedStatesduringthe1920s.NoticethesimilaritytoDemos'sobservations:again,growingupisdescribedasaprocessofincremental,seamlessemergenceintoadultsociety:UnderthesouthernItalianculturalpatterns,allchildrenwereusefulandeffectivemembersoftheirfamiliesfromanearlyage[fiveorsix].Asthechildbecameolderandincreasedinphysicalstrengthandexperience,injudgmentanddependability,heperformedmorenumerousandmoredifficulttasks.…Therewerenosharpagedivisions;eachshadedintotheolderandyounger.Sogeneralwasthepatternoflifewherechildrenfittedintofamilylifeanditseconomythatallpeopleweredividedintotwogroups:childrenandadults.Therewasnoadolescentgroup.…Therewerehelplessinfantsandplayfultots,youngmenandwomen,feeblefolk,buttherewasneveragroupofadolescents.(pp.270,288-289)AsJohnGillispointsout,untiltheindustrialerarelationsbetweenthegenerationswithinthehouseholdwerearrangedspatiallyratherthantemporally.Thatis,one'sstatusderivednotbyachievingacertainagebutratherbyone'srelationtotheheadofthehousehold.Inaveryrealsense,asGillissays,untilonebecametheheadofone'sownhousehold,amanorawomanwaseveraboyoragirl.Still,inafunctionalsense,aboy'sorgirl'smaturationpropelledhimorhertowardfullmembershipintheeconomyofhouseholdrelationsatasteadyrate,andsotheirsubordinatestatuswasalsosurelyprovisionalandrelative.ChildrenintheIndustrialAgeThisallbegantochange,however,withthereorganizationofproductioninitiatedbyindustrialization,whichinturnstimulatedtherapidgrowthofcities.Citiesandtheirindustrieswerefedbythemigrationofpeople,primarilyfromthecountryside–whetherthehinterlandsfromwhichthesemigrationsissuedwerelocal,regional,national,orintercontinentalinnature.Swellingnineteenth-centurycitiesrevealedtwodevelopmentsrelevanthere:thegrowingdegreeofhouseholddependenceonwagedlaborandtheextenttowhichchildren'stime,inparticular,wasunstructured.Childrenonfarmswereofnoconcerntoanyoneexcepttheirownhouseholds;childrenpresentoncitystreetsandunderoccupied,however,madeapparentthesocialcostsofproduction'sreorganizationunderburgeoningindustrialism.Ascapitalisteconomiesgrewandtheircommoditiescameincreasinglyfromtheexpansionofmechanizedindustries,cyclesofprosperityanddepressionbecamemorefrequent,makingunemploymentarecurrentfeatureofurbanworking-classlife.Citiesconcentratedunemploymentandpovertyandsorendereditsvictimsbothvisibleandanonymous.DespitetheeagernessofcivicleadersinEuropeand,especially,theUnitedStatestomakeindividualfamilyheadsaccountablefortheirownandtheirchildren'spenury,eventuallyitwasseenthatsomeaccommodationmustbemadeforchildrenandyouthswhosetimeandactivitieswereunderutilized.Duringthenineteenthcenturyaconnectionwouldbedrawnbetweenthepresumedmoraleffectsofunoccupiedtimeforchildrenanditsbroadersocialconsequences:achildoftenderageenrolledinthe"streetschool"ofidleness,itwasperceived,wouldinevitablybecomeasoul-hardenedadultduetofrequentencounterswithpovertyanditstwin,vice,bothfamiliarescortsontheroadtoalifeofcrime.WhilethehistoriesofsocialwelfareinEuropeandNorthAmericaarevariegatedandcomplex,onecommonsolutiontochildren'sexposuretoidlenessanditsreputedeffectswasschooling.Schooling,ofcourse,oweditsbeginningstoancientcivilizations,andintheMiddleAgesschoolswereinstitutedforthepurposeofecclesiasticalrecruitmentandtraining.Butagain,theproportionofchildren(boys)educatedforthispurposewasminiscule.Popularschooling,whichcametobeseenasapanaceatothewideningplaguesofchildunemploymentandunsupervisedtime,couldonlydevelopifeducationwerefree.Theestablishmentofmassschooling,whichwastoinculcateageconsciousnesstoanunprecedenteddegree,wascontingentupontwooccurrences:thefirstwastogatherallchildrenintoschoolsofsomekind,andthesecondwastoarrangeschoolsinternallysothatchildrenwouldbekeptinschoolsforaslongaswasdesirableforthemindividuallyandforthegreatersocialgood.Thefirstexamplesofeffortstoattractthegreatmajorityofchildren(typicallychildrenoftheemergingworkingclassandoftheurbanpoor)intoschoolsforthepurposeofinstillingmoralityandthefundamentsofliteracywerethe"charity,""Sunday,"and"infant"schoolsofthelate1700sandearly1800sinWesternEuropeandtheUnitedStates.GradingandCompulsorySchoolingIntheUnitedStates,eachoftheseexamplesinitswayinspiredthecreationofthecommonschool,whichofferededucationatnoorlowcosttochildrenofallsocial(ifnotracial)backgrounds,ofallages,andbothgenders.Theschoolclass,whichsortedpupilsbyageandachievementintocohorts,waspioneeredinearlysixteenth-centuryLondon.Yetthenecessityforwidespreadadoptionofthisdevice(grading)wasnotrealizeduntilitbecameclearthatcommonschoolswereproblematicforboththeworkingclassandthemiddleclass.Working-classparentsneededtheirchildrentocontributetohouseholdincomebybeingemployed;middleclassparentsdesiredagreaterdegreeoftrainingthatwouldallowtheirchildrentomastertheskillsnecessarytobecomeaccountants,teachers,clerks,businessmen,orprofessionals.Theseskills,whichincludedverbalandquantitativefacility,familiaritywiththeartsandlettersandfluencyinaforeignlanguage,weretransportablefromindustrytoindustry.Byarrangingthepublicschoolcurriculumsequentially,duringthesecondhalfofthenineteenthcenturygradingendowedthestudentwhoprogressedthroughitwithgreatusefulnessinaneconomyinwhichproprietorshipwasrapidlybeingeclipsedbysalariedemployment.Becausegradingtendedtostandardizethecurriculumwhereveritwasimplemented,italsocertifiedalevelandrangeofcompetencyateachgrade.Still,pressureonworking-classchildrentoquitschooltoassistthehousehold'sneedforincomeorlaborwasirresistible,bothintimesofeconomicdepressionandprosperity.Therefore,itwasdecidedthatschoolattendancemustbemadenotonlyfreebutalsocompulsoryifthemajorityofchildrenweretobeeducatedforanextendedperiodoftheirlives.Theestablishmentofcompulsoryschoolattendanceandfree,gradedschoolsintheUnitedStatestookmanydecadestoaccomplish.CompulsoryschoolattendancewasfirstinstitutedbyMassachusettsin1852.ThelaststatetopassacompulsoryschoolattendancelawwasMississippiin1918.Ofcourse,compulsoryeducationlegislationwasnoteffectivewithoutcomplementaryreinforcementbychildlaborlaws,andmostformsofchildlaborwerenotprohibitedthroughouttheUnitedStatesuntilthemid1930s.Similarly,thegradingofschoolsbeganinBostonin1847andspreadthroughoutthenortheasternandmidwesternUnitedStatesbutwasnotpervasiveuntilthe1940s.Nonetheless,whereeffectivelyenforced,compulsoryschoolattendancereversedthe"wealthflow"betweenparentsandchildren.Byforcinghouseholdstowithholdtheirchildren'searningpowerfromthesphereofcommerce,children'sstatuswasaltered,andparent-childrelationsweretransformedfromaspatialtotemporalorientation.Thatis,inagrariansocietieschildrentypicallyworkedforthebenefitandwell-beingoftheentirehouseholdandofthepatriarchinparticular;withcompulsoryschoolattendanceandchildlaborlaws,childrencouldnotbelegallyputtoworkuntiltheageoffourteen,whichcurtailedtheirvalueasassetstothehouseholdeconomy.PricelessChildrenAtthesametime,newliteraryandreligioussentimentstookholdamongthemiddleclassthatledtochildrenbecoming"sacralized."Thatis,childhoodcametobeviewedasaspecialstate,andchildrenwereincreasinglyseenasaresourcetobepreserved,cherished,andcelebrated.Whenthisviewwasimposedontheworkingclassthroughschoolrequirements,thevalueofchildrenwithinthehouseholdshiftedfromtheirutilityasearnerstoobjectsofparentalsentiment,andassumedaqualitythatVivianaA.Zelizerhascalled"pricelessness."Oneconsequenceofthiswasthatattheconclusionofthenineteenthcenturychildren'sbirthdaysbegantobecelebratedannuallyforthefirsttimeinhistory.Somesocietiesinthepasthadrecognizedspecificchronologicalmarkers,suchasturningagefifteenoragesixteen,butthehabitofcommemoratingthearrivalofeachnewyearinthelifeofthechildbetokenedanovel,sentimentalregardforthepassingoftime.Theaccrualofexperienceandcompetence,whichsoenhancedchildutilityinthefamilywageeconomy,cameattheexpenseofinnocenceandthuswasviewedasabittersweetprocessintheeraof"priceless"children.Atthemostbasiclevel,theexperienceofgradingrevealedtheextenttowhichchildren'sexpandingphysicalandintellectualaptitudescouldbecapturedstatisticallyandmappedontoentiregroupsofchildren."Childaccounting,"whichincludedstatisticsonenrollment,attendance,absenteeism,tardiness,andwithdrawalfromschoolwereimplementedinmostnortheasternandmidwesternurbanschoolsystemsbythelatterdecadesofthenineteenthcentury.Age-gradetables,whichdocumentedthedegreetowhichchildren'sagesinindividualschoolscorrespondedtospecifiedgradelevels,weredevelopedbytheendofthecenturyaswell.Alloftheseindicatorsimplicitlymeasuredtheschool'spedagogicaleffectivenessbutalsobetrayedthespreadingconvictionthatchildren'smaturationcouldbenormativelydefinedandso,too,subjectedtocorrectivemanagement.Thepeergroup,previouslymoresociallyporousandtolerantofagespan,wastightenedtoexcludechildrenwhoseagesweretoofaraboveorbelowthosesetdownbythecohortscreatedandmaintainedthroughtheage-gradedschoolclass.PhilosophicalFoundationsWasthissenseofascheduleimposedonchildrenbyagegradingstraightforwardlyinternalizedbythem,ordidchildren'sincreasingawarenessofthemselvesasbeinginoroutofstepwiththeirclassmatesemergethroughaprocessofgive-and-takebetweentheschool'sreinforcingstructureandarisingconceptionsofdevelopmentgrowingalongsideofthisnewapparatus?Itisimportanttorecallthatthephilosophicalconvictionsthatundergirdedcompulsoryschoolattendance,theprohibitionofchildlabor,andadawningawarenessofchildren'sbiologicalandmentaldevelopmentwererootedinEnlightenmentnotionsofchildren'splasticityasgrowingcreatures.EnglishphilosopherJohnLocke'sessaysonthenecessityforparentalwatchfulnessandconstantcorrectionofthechild'snaturalinstinctsweregroundedintheideaofhumanperfectibility,whichsuggestedtheoppositepossibility–thatchildrenunmonitoredanduntutoredwouldfallwellshortofthisgoal.Eighteenth-centuryFrenchwriterandphilosopherJean-JacquesRousseau'swritingsonchildrearingpromotedthesuperiorityofyieldingtothechild'snaturalproclivitiesasthebestguidetoparenting.WhileRousseauwaseffectivelyanantidotetoLocke,thebeliefinthechild'sdestinyasanunfoldingnaturalphenomenonsharedtheassumptionthatchildren'sgrowthrevealedaprogressionofchanges,forillorgood.AscientificbasisforthisconceptionwasstimulatedbyCharlesDarwin'sTheDescentofMan(1871),whichspawnedagenerationofstudiesthatsketchedoutparallelsbetweenthecourseofearlyhumanhistoryandphasesofthechild'sdevelopment.Nineteenth-centuryEnglishphilosopherHerbertSpenceraddedtothisthenotionofhumanprogress.Thus,thecourseofchildstudybytheendofthe1800swascommittedtochartingtheprogressiveappearanceofcognitive,emotional,andmotorfunctionsinchildrenfrombirthtoadulthood.Itispossiblethatnoveltheoriesofchilddevelopmentandnewopportunitiestoobservethemassofchildrenarrangedincohortsenabledbotheducatorsandthenewdisciplineofpsychologytoformulateandtesttheideaofstagesofchildmaturationpreciselybecausechildrenwerenowsortedinawaythatmadeitpossibletogeneralizeaboutdevelopmentwithsomeaccuracyforthefirsttime.AdolescenceinHumanGrowthThearrivalofadolescenceasawidelyacknowledgedstageinhumangrowthsignaledthesuccessfullinkageofideasaboutaginganddevelopmentcurrentbythebeginningofthetwentiethcentury;andagainitwasschoolingthatprovidedthisconnection.Forwithoutschooling,thesignificanceofadolescencewouldalwaysbeovershadowedbytheimperativesofthefamilyeconomyinworking-classhouseholds.AmericaneducatorandpsychologistG.StanleyHall,whopopularizedthe"discovery"ofadolescencein1904,whenonly7percentofallseventeenyearoldsgraduatedfromhighschool,providedtherationaleforthisinstitutionalizedculturalspaceinchildren'sdevelopment.Highschoolexpandedexponentiallythereafter:by1940almosthalfofallseventeenyearoldsearneddiplomasnationally.Fortheremainderofthecenturythenascentdisciplineofacademicpsychologyvacillatedonthequestionofwhethernatureornurtureismoreimportanttochildren'sdevelopment.BehavioristssuchasAmericanpsychologistJohnWatsoninsistedonthecriticalplaceofenvironmentalinfluenceonchildren'sdevelopment,whiletherivalviewstressedthesignificanceofbiologicalandgeneticblueprintsforhumanmaturation.AmericanpsychologyforthefirsthalfofthetwentiethcenturywasWatsonianinorientation,butthisperspectivewasbrokenbytheascendanceofSwisspsychologistJeanPiaget,whoproposedamoresyntheticinterplaybetweengeneticendowmentandsocialenvironment.Apartfromthispreoccupying(andongoing)issue,however,twoothertrendsarose:(1)Thestagesofdevelopmentfrombirththroughadolescenceweredividedandsubdividedasspecializationwithinthedisciplineproceeded;and(2)therewasatendencytoprivilegeonestageofdevelopmentoverothersasthe"focalperiod."Infancy,middlechildhood,andadolescencehavebeenstressedvariouslyastheperiodsofdevelopmentthatimpartlastingcriticaleffectsonlateroutcomesfortheindividual.Thislineofinquiryleddevelopmentalpsychologiststocasttheireyestolaterstagesofhumandevelopmentandagingtotrytountanglecause-and-effectrelationshipsbetweenstagesofmaturation.Hall'sdisciplessuchasFredericThrasherconnectedobservationsofboys'developmenttojustifythecreationofahostoforganizationsancillarytoschooling,suchastheplaygroundmovement,youthathletics,scouting,andotherafter-schoolactivitiestoengagechildrenandyouthsinadult-supervisedsettings.Childandyouthrecreationalactivitiesadoptedtheideaofagegroupingsasanarticleoffaithinorganizingathleticcompetition.Ithasbeenreflectedinawiderangeofactivities,fromNewYork'sPoliceAthleticLeagueearlyinthe1900stothemostpopularparticipatorysportforboys,LittleLeagueBaseball,atmidcentury.Bythe1920s,athleticcompetitionwascommonplaceinAmericanhighschoolsandthey,too,arrangedcontestantsintograduatedabilityandagegroups,typicallydividingthemintojuniorvarsityandvarsityteams.ProgressiveEducationandSocialPromotionAmericaneducatorandphilosopherJohnDeweyandhisfollowerspromotedtheideaofschoolingaspreparationforlife.Thepurposeofeducationwasnotjusttodirectintellectualinquirybuttopromote"desiredsocialends"aswell(Cahan,p.157).WhiletheaimsofDewey'sphilosophyofProgressiveeducationwerevariedandonlyeverimplementedinalimitedway,theideaofchilddevelopmentwasacentralfeatureandenabledschoolreformerstopromotetheextensionofschoolingforvirtuallyallyoungpeoplethroughtheadolescentyearsbycreatingacurriculumthataddressedtheirdifferentiatededucationalandsocialneeds.Aby-productofthisphilosophywastheconceptof"socialpromotion,"whichsolidifiedtheconnectionsbetweenthesocialandeducativefunctionsofschoolingbymorelooselyaligningchronologicalage,achievementlevels,andthecohortthroughsecondaryschool.Socialpromotionlegitimizedpromotionfromonegradeleveltothenextbydemonstratingthepositivesocialaffectsonchilddevelopmentascomparedwiththeoutcomesofpromotionbasedonacademicmerit.Bytheearlytwentiethcenturytheacademic-meritsystemwasseenasdetrimentaltoboththeeducationalandsocialneedsoftheindividual.Onthefaceofit,socialpromotion,whichpeakedasaneducationalpolicyduringthe1970s,wouldseemtomitigatetheheightenedconsciousnessofageinducedbyage-grading,butitactuallyreinforcedtheperceivednecessityfortautcoordinationbetweenchronologicalageandcognitiveandemotionaldevelopment.Thechild's,andthenadolescent's,conceptofselfhadbecomesotightlyboundupwiththeprogressofhisorheragecohortthatdevelopmentalprogressitselfwasseenasbeingfosteredbykeepingupsociallyifnoteducationallywithone'scohort.AssessingaCenturyofChangeNotcoincidentally,sociologistsandhistoriansduringthe1960sand1970sbegantotracethebroaderoutlinesofthenormativemovementfromchildhoodtoadulthoodinAmericansociety.Inspiredatleastinpartbythepopularperceptionthatyoungpeopleweretakinglongertocomeofage–thatis,toassumetherolesandresponsibilitiesofadultstatus–theystruckouttodeterminewhethersocialnormsinvolvingtransitionstoadulthoodhadalteredintheperiodbetweenthemid-1800sandthemid-1900s.Whattheyfoundwasthattheageatwhichthefinaltransitiontoadulthood(familyformation)occurredinthemid-twentiethcenturywasroughlythesameasithadbeenatthemidpointofthenineteenthcentury.However,theexperienceofcomingofage–theturbulenceonefeltinmovingfromchildhoodtoadulthood,especiallyinadolescenceandthepostadolescentyears–wasactuallyamplifiedbytheriseofinstitutionstoregulatethesetransitions.StudiesbyJohnModellandothersnotedthattheestablishmentofuniversalschoolingduringthemid-nineteenthcenturyhadcreatedaroughlyuniformstartinglinefromwhichchildrenenteredandleftschool,enteredthefull-timeworkforce,lefttheirparents'household,married,andbegantheirownfamilies.Whereasbeforethelatenineteenthcentury,ayoungpersoncouldoccupymorethanoneofthesestatesatthesametime(i.e.,bebothatschoolandworking,orworking,married,andlivinginone'sparents'householdsimultaneously),bytheearlytomiddletwentiethcentury,thetransitionsbetweenthembecamemuchmoretightlysequencedandseparate.Widelyobservedagenormsappearedtocoordinatetheindividual'stransitionfromchildhoodtoadulthood,buttheconsequencesformixingthesestateshadbecome(untilthe1940s)detrimentaltoone'slifechances.Marryingandremaininginone'sparentalhousehold,forinstance,hadcometoberegardedasunusualwhereithadoncebeenanexpectedconditioninagrariansocietiesinwhichthefirst-bornmalewouldeventuallyinheritthepropertyofthehouseholdhead.Thiswasnolongerthecasewhenchildrenwereallschooledtotheageoffourteen(sixteenbythe1930s)andbeganworkinguntiltheycouldaffordtoestablishtheirownhouseholds,marry,andprocreate.TheLateTwentiethCenturyBythe1950s,however,thissequencingoftransitionsbegantogetjumbledasmarriageagesdroppedinthewakeofWorldWarIIandschoolingwasextendedpasttheageofsixteen,withlargernumbersofyoungpeopleenteringandfinishingcollege.Topayforhighereducationitwasnecessaryformanycollegestudentstoworkwhileattendingclasses,anditwasalsonotunusualforsomestudentstostarttheirownhouseholds,marry,andevenbeginbearingandraisingchildrenwhileenrolledincollege.Inshort,bythe1960sand1970saoncehighlyorderedsetoftransitionstoadulthoodoverlappedextensively.Thismeantthat,ononehand,individualshadwidelatitudeinthechoicestheycouldmakeaboutcompletingschool,startingwork,andgettingmarried;ontheotherhand,theyexperiencedgreateranxietybothindividuallyandsociallyaboutmakingandorderingthesechoices.Sincethe1970sseveraltrendsaffectingtheearlylifecoursewerereversed:agesoffirstmarriageforbothwomenandmenreturnedtotheirtraditionalaverages,themiddletwentiesandlatetwenties,respectively;theaverageageofwomenatthebirthoftheirfirstchildincreased;thebirthrateplummeted;andanewtrend,cohabitation,rosesteadilyduringthelastquarterofthecentury,suggestingthatmenandwomennolongerfeltcompelledtoremainlivingwiththeirparentsimmediatelybeforeestablishingtheirownhouseholdsandcoulddeferbothmarriageandfamilyformation.Bythelatetwentiethcenturytheearlylifecourseofwomenandmengrewmoresimilar.Wherepreviouslyearlylife-coursetransitionswerebasedontheassumptionofamalebreadwinner,maleandfemaleeducationlevelsevenedoutduringthelastquarterofthecentury,andwagegapsbetweenthemnarrowedsomewhat.Ifthetightlysequenced,non-overlappingsetoftransitionstoadulthoodattestedtoahighdegreeofageconsciousnessatmidcentury,didtheirunravelingintimatealooseningconcernwithage?Historiansandsocialcriticsseemixedsigns.Ononehandthereappearstobelessagesegregationthantherewasearlierinthecenturywhen,forinstance,universitiesadmittedfewundergraduatesovertheagesofeighteenornineteen.IncreasinglyolderAmericanshavereenteredtheranksofcollegestudents,andeducational"retooling"inarapidlychangingeconomyhasbecomeawidelyacceptedpracticeforpeoplewhomaychangecareersseveraltimesintheirlives.Ithasalsobecomemorecommonforwomentoreturntotheworkforceafterbearingandrearingchildren.Ontheotherhand,inthe1960sayouthcultureflourished.ItwasfedbytheexpansionofhighereducationafterWorldWarIIandtheinfluxoftheso-calledbabyboomgenerationintoU.S.universities,whichglorifiedyouthfulnesstoanunprecedenteddegree.Thispreoccupationwiththeconcernsofyouthandimagesofyouthfulnesswereintimatelyconnectedwithconsumerproductsforamassaudienceforthefirsttimeandaccompaniedtheabandonmentofthepreviousgeneration'smortalfearofspending.Thistrendonlygainedmomentumduringthelatetwentiethcenturyasthislargecohortofpeoplehasaged,creatingnewmarketsforconsumers–whethertrulyyoungoryoungatheart–toexpresstheirfeelingsofaffiliationwiththeyoung.Seealso:ChildDevelopment,HistoryoftheConceptof;ChildPsychology;LifeCourseandTransitionstoAdulthood;TheoriesofChildhood.bibliographyAriès,Philippe.1962.CenturiesofChildhood:ASocialHistoryofFamilyLife.Trans.RobertBaldick.NewYork:VintageBooks.Cahan,EmilyD.1994."JohnDeweyandHumanDevelopment."InACenturyofDevelopmentalPsychology,ed.RossD.Parke,et.al.Washington,DC.:AmericanPsychologicalAssociation.Caldwell,JohnC.1980."MassEducationasaDeterminantoftheTimingofFertilityDecline."PopulationandDevelopmentReview6(June):225-255.Chudacoff,HowardP.1989.HowOldAreYou?AgeConsciousnessinAmericanCulture.Princeton,NJ:PrincetonUniversityPress.Cole,Michael,andSheilaR.Cole.2000.TheDevelopmentofChildren,3rded.NewYork:ScientificAmericanBooks.Covello,Leonard.1967.TheSocialBackgroundoftheItalo-AmericanSchoolChild:AStudyoftheSouthernItalianFamilyMoresandtheirEffectontheSchoolSituationinItalyandAmerica.Leiden,Netherlands:E.J.Brill.Cunningham,Hugh.1990."TheEmploymentandUnemploymentofChildreninEngland,c.1680-1851."PastandPresent126(February):115-150.Cunningham,Hugh.1995.ChildrenandChildhoodinWesternSocietysince1500.NewYork:Longman.Demos,John.1970.ALittleCommonwealth:FamilyLifeinPlymouthColony.NewYork:OxfordUniversityPress.Elder,GlenH.1974.ChildrenoftheGreatDepression:SocialChangeinLife.Chicago:UniversityofChicagoPress.Fass,PaulaS.1977.TheDamnedandtheBeautiful:AmericanYouthinthe1920's.NewYork:OxfordUniversityPress.Kessen,William,ed.1965.TheChild.NewYork:JohnWileyandSons.Labaree,DavidF.1997.HowtoSucceedinSchoolwithoutReallyLearning:TheCredentialsRaceinAmericanEducation.NewHaven,CT:YaleUniversityPress.Lassonde,Stephen.1996."LearningandEarning:Schooling,JuvenileEmployment,andtheEarlyLifeCourseinLateNineteenth-CenturyNewHaven."JournalofSocialHistory29(summer):839-870.Levine,David.1987.ReproducingFamilies:ThePoliticalEconomyofEnglishPopulationHistory.NewYork:CambridgeUniversityPress.Modell,John.1989.IntoOne'sOwn:FromYouthtoAdulthoodintheUnitedStates,1920-1975.Berkeley:UniversityofCaliforniaPress.Modell,John,FrankF.Furstenberg,Jr.,andTheodoreHershberg.1981."SocialChangeandTransitionstoAdulthoodinHistoricalPerspective."InPhiladelphia:Work,Space,andGroupExperienceinthe19thCentury,ed.TheodoreHershberg.NewYork:OxfordUniversityPress.Parke,RossD.,PeterA.Ornstein,JohnJ.Rieser,et.al.1994."ThePastasPrologue:AnOverviewofaCenturyofDevelopmentalPsychology."InACenturyofDevelopmentalPsychology,ed.RossD.Parke,et.al.Washington,DC:AmericanPsychologicalAssociation.Shahar,Shulamith.1990.ChildhoodintheMiddleAges.NewYork:Routledge.Vinovskis,Maris.1995."HistoricalDevelopmentofAgeStratificationinSchooling."InhisEducation,Society,andEconomicOpportunity:AHistoricalPerspectiveonPersistentIssues.NewHaven,CT:YaleUniversityPress.Zelizer,VivianaA.1985.PricingthePricelessChild:TheChangingSocialValueofChildren.NewYork:BasicBooks.StephenLassondeEncyclopediaofChildrenandChildhoodinHistoryandSociety×CitethisarticlePickastylebelow,andcopythetextforyourbibliography.MLAChicagoAPA"AgeandDevelopment
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